Volume II - Chapter 5
LONG
LIVE THE EMPEROR!
I created the Empire to safeguard the Revolution
and on behalf
of the French nation…
I
had to give
all
the conditions needed for unity and stability.
(Napoleon to Montholon, Saint Helena)
Bonaparte First Consul, with consuls Cambacérès and Lebrun,
receiving the presidents' oaths
Louis-Charles-Auguste Couder (1789-1873)
Bonaparte
understood his position perfectly well: he could fall to the blows of royalist
assassins in the pay of the English, and the country, still inadequately
restructured owing to lack of time, would pass into the hands of the various
rival factions – Royalists, Jacobins – whose self-destructiveness would drag
The
assassination attempts that the First Consul had been subjected to (he had been
appointed “Consul for Life” by the Constitution of year X) had led him to
realize that it was vital to plan measures to safeguard his work of national
peace and reconciliation.
And
what a triumph he achieved!
National
peace, including the recall of exiles of all stripes and the suspension of the
list of émigrés; religious peace under the Concordat, hailed with a Te Deum sung in Notre-Dame on Easter
Sunday 1802 (in this regard, we may recall that the Concordat recognized the
Roman Catholic religion not as the state religion – as the Vatican so earnestly
desired – but as “the religion of the majority of French people.” This
qualification gave the Catholic religion equal legal status with other
religions. To be precise, the First Consul had introduced religious tolerance
among the social institutions of the nation; financial and judicial
reconstruction; external peace brought about by brilliant victories over the
European monarchies, who, with English financing, had not ceased to make war on
The
Russian ambassador to
“Its
method [referring to the London Cabinet] will ever be to obliterate its only
rival, France, and then to rule despotically over the whole universe.”
A
man such as Bonaparte could therefore only be a thorn in
The
London Cabinet was forced, however, to realize that, far from weakening and
withdrawing,
It
is no surprise, therefore, as indeed would be the case the today, that when the
question of Napoleon’s appointment as “Consul for Life” was put to the people
of
A More “Presentable”
The
First Consul was not alone in his awareness of the fragility of the régime that
led
Charles-Maurice de Talleyrand-Périgord (1754-1838)
by Simon (1770-1837) (RR)
Bishop of Autun before the Revolution, he was Minister of Foreign Affairs from 1795-1804. He played a decisive role in the advent of the French Empire, and it was he who skilfully negotiated with the Vatican so that the Pope, Pie VII, should come to Paris in order to crown Napoleon Emperor at Notre-Dame. A talented diplomat, Talleyrand was above all an opportunist and although Napoleon appointed him Grand Chamberlain of the empire in 1804 and later granted him the title of Prince of Benevente, he later betrayed the Emperor and went on to serve under different regimes, always in high office.
Men
as dissimilar as Talleyrand and Fouché supported the scheme. The general idea
was that by founding a fourth dynasty,
It
would likely have been the activists in the Revolution who were most involved
in this progress to the throne by the First Consul, and especially those who
had voted for the death of Louis XVI, because founding a new dynasty would be
the surest way to prevent the return of the Bourbons.
The
conspiracy by Cadoulal, which provoked justifiable outrage in the country (the
Senate was shown coins found on the three English agents, Drake, Taylor and
Smith, thereby substantiating the active participation of their country in the
plot), had prepared public opinion for a change that seemed more and more
essential for the survival of the state.
In
the month of April 1804, during the investigation for the trial of Cadoulal and
his accomplices, among them General Pichegru (who committed suicide in the
Temple prison), and Moreau (whose sentence was commuted to banishment)… a
member of the Tribunate placed a motion before the Assembly to invest Napoleon
Bonaparte with imperial honours and to declare the French Empire hereditary
upon his heirs.
A
commission responsible for investigating the motion tabled its report some days
later and concluded in favour of adoption.
A
single dissenting voice arose in the midst of this unanimity, that of the
mathematician and former member of the Directorate, Carnot, an unshakeable
republican, who had already openly declared himself by his refusal to vote for
the Consul for Life. But, unlike the others, Carnot endangered neither the
Emperor nor France, and in the dark days of 1814-1815, this dissenter placed
himself – spontaneously – at Napoleon’s service.
The
Emperor, respecting the man, never bore a grudge against ex-Director Carnot.
Involuntary
and Unexpected Support
Another
voice arose on June 6 in
Le comte de Provence by Adélaïde (1749-1803) (RR)
Instead of attempting ot conceal the reaction of the exiled Bourbon - then comte de Provence and future Louis XVIII - Napoleon, very intelligently, decided to publish his protestations in "Le Moniteur". Shocked, the French discovered that "the man who wanted to be king" refused to acknowledge the changes and social benefits they had acquired with the French Revolution.
When
he was apprised of Bonaparte’s accession to the throne, he protested in the
following terms:
“By
taking the title of Emperor, and in wanting to make it hereditary upon his
heirs, Bonaparte puts a seal upon his usurpation. This fresh act of a
revolution in which all things from the start were worthless will assuredly not
diminish my rights; but, accountable for my conduct before all sovereigns,
whose rights have been no less dishonoured than my own and whose thrones have
all been disturbed by the dangerous principles that the Senate in Paris has
dared to advance; accountable to France, to my family, and to my own honour, I
believe that my silence on this occasion would betray the common cause. I
therefore declare, before all sovereigns, that, far from recognizing the
imperial title that Bonaparte has just had bestowed upon himself by a body that
does not even enjoy legitimate existence in
This
protest became an immeasurable assistance to the new regime, however little
intended: the remarks of the Comte de Provence, which were nothing less than a
negation of and challenge to the gains of the Revolution, rallied all those who
with dogged republican fervour were reluctant to assent.
Napoleon,
however, made no mistake and had the Pretender’s protest compulsorily and
extensively reprinted in the Moniteur of
July 1.
The
protest itself produced no outcome because, as one memoir writer records, “the
conspiracy of Georges [Cadoulal] had perhaps dampened the already-enfeebled
support that barely lingered on for the old regime. [This plot] was, in effect,
so badly hatched and appeared to be based on such ignorance of the inner
convictions of France and the sentiments that she embraced, the names and
characters of the conspirators inspiring so little confidence, and, especially,
there being such widespread fear of fresh troubles that great changes would
generate, that, except for a small number of the gentry devoted to restoring
things to an order already destroyed, there were absolutely no regrets in
France regarding an outcome that reinforced the system that had just been set
up.”
Heeding
the Monarchies of
Thereafter,
the most influential European monarchies were attended to: those of
The
King of Prussia, Friedrich-Wilhelm, clearly unenthusiastic about any such recognition,
but, at the same time, obsessed by the notion that he would be awarded the fine
lands of Hanover, declared himself “ready to recognize, as soon as it occurred,
the restoration in France of a monarchical government to the advantage of a man
who had deserved it by his wisdom and great deeds.”
As
for the House of Habsburg, threatened by the aftermath of the “Recez of
Ratisbonne” (the law that had dismembered the Holy Roman Empire in March 1803)
with the loss of the German Elector’s crown and the imperial title, it sought
to create another title – that of “Hereditary Emperor of Austria”
However,
the plan needed to be accepted by the European powers, and therefore very much
by
There
would henceforth be an exchange of friendly services.
Bonaparte
had concluded that, logically, if
A
Title with Military Significance
In
the advance toward a yet-undefined throne, a question of vital importance arose
– what title would the new sovereign assume?
The
title of king was out of the question, for the people of
Bonaparte
obviously was clearly opposed in equal measure.
It
is worth recalling an interesting anecdote told by Madame de Rémusat, one of
the ladies at the court of the Empress Josephine: Talleyrand, Minister for
External Affairs, remarked one day to Berthier, who was shortly to be promoted
to Marshal but at the time was Minister of War:
“You
know what great scheme is in the air. Go and persuade the First Consul to take
the title of king.”
Then,
Talleyrand, who had no affection for Berthier, withdrew to observe the scene.
The
inevitable happened. At the mention of the word “king,” Bonaparte’s eyes
flashed with anger:
“Who
told you to come and get my blood boiling? Next time, don’t accept such
errands!”
What,
then, for a title?
The
only one that suited was that of emperor. It was (relatively) new and
thoroughly ancient at the same time and, especially because of its military
associations, perfectly suited the distinguished soldier become leader of the
nation of which he was to say in 1809:
“A
day I spend away from
Moreover,
in the eyes of the public, the title of emperor did not have the tainted
associations that attached to that of king – a title that reminded the French
of a regime they had abolished in 1789.
Talleyrand,
who was little more than a venal pocket-liner before becoming a traitor to
Napoleon, and therefore to his country, summed up the scene perfectly with one
of those spiteful remarks that the future Prince of Bénévent could not resist:
“The
title of emperor offered a combination of the
Tribunate
and Senate Unanimous
On
“The
Tribunate, exercising the right conferred upon it by Article 29 of the
Constitution, expresses its will:
“Firstly,
that Napoleon Bonaparte, First Consul, be proclaimed Emperor of
“Secondly,
that the title of Emperor and all imperial powers devolve upon his heirs,
passing from male to male in order of primogeniture;
“Thirdly,
that in enacting amendments to the structure of duly constituted authorities
such as would require that hereditary powers be instituted, equality, liberty
and the rights of the people shall be respected in their entirety.
“This
present expression of our will shall be presented to the Senate by six speakers
who will explain the will of the Tribunate.”
Religious Toleration
By proclaiming Roman Catholic Religion the religion of the "majority of French people" rather than the "Religion of the French State", Napoleon establisehd religious freedom in France.
On
May 4, by unanimous vote, the Senate approved a new address in which it
affirmed that the wellbeing of France, and the need to bring stability to the
institutions that it owed to the Revolution, required the investment of hereditary
imperial dignity upon the person of Bonaparte and his heirs and that it was the
duty of the same to accept “a title that, while it adds not at all to his
glory, at least gives him the means to render himself the more useful in the
service of his country.”
On
May 5, the Senate delivered an address to Bonaparte to ask him, without being
more explicit, to perform one further act to ensure peace for
“I
invite you to make your wishes known to me in full. I desire that we say to the
people of
On
May 18, the senators met to listen to the former president, the naturalist
Lacepède, who was also Grand Chancellor of the Legion of Honour, read a text
from the senatus consulte that gave official, legal form to these new, utterly
monarchical institutions.
Then,
they travelled to the Chateau of Saint Cloud where a vast throng had assembled
for the great event.
According
to witnesses, he who was still “only” First Consul Bonaparte awaited the senators, Josephine by his side.
These witnesses described the Consul as “calm, dignified but not haughty,
although his youthful face [he was only 35] revealed a joy that, truth to tell,
he could not conceal.”
As
for Josephine, she appeared “distraught.”
And
this man, who until then was never addressed except as “Citizen General” or
“Citizen First Consul,” heard Cambacérès, his colleague (but not for much
longer), say to him as he approached: “Sire… ”
That
one word sealed a man’s destiny, and with him, that of his entire nation.
All
the cannons in
The Château de Saint-Cloud
It was at the Château de Saint-Cloud (which no longer ixists today) situated approximately four kilometres west of Paris, that he First Consul Bonaparte learned that he was to become Emperor of the French.
It
was no longer First Consul Bonaparte, but Napoleon I who answered the speech of
Cambacérès in a few short sentences, after which a shout, the first of so many,
resounded and echoed:
LONG
LIVE THE EMPEROR!
***